Category Archives: ALDE


On 4 March, Italy will return to vote to elect  new Members of Parliament. Some ALDE individual members are candidates with the liberal-democratic list + Europa with Emma Bonino. In these interviews we present the last two of them. We asked three questions to all of them and one different, about some important topics for Italy and Europe.

How Italy votes. The new Italian voting system has two levels of elections. 37%  of Members of Parliament in both Chambers  are elected in a “Uninominale” (single name list) college: single parties or coalitions express one common name. One wins the seat, others lose. 61% of MPs – in both chambers – are elected in a “Plurinominale” (more names list) college: each single party proposes from 1 to 4 candidates. The higher the percentage of votes obtained, the higher will be the number of  elected candidates. There is also a minimum percentage to be obtained to elect candidates. The remaining  2% of seats are for Italian candidates who live abroad.

You can read first set of 4 interviews  here

You can read second set of 4 interviews here

Candidates we present today:

Marco Ferraro, born in Genova in 1975, lives outside Italy since 2003, before in Belgium, Morocco andTurkey, now in Ukraine where he works for the EU in the field of reforms relating to the rule of law and justice. He is  member of Radicali Italiani and ALDE Individual Member. He runs as a candidate for Deputees Chambers for  Europe Constituency.

Alessandro Massari, born in Rome in 1966 is the president of National Committee of Radicali Italiani. He is member of Legislative office of Deputees Chamber, journalist and ALDE Individual Member. He runs ad Candidate for Senate at Plurinominale (More name list) in Umbria.

You are running as a candidate with Più Europa/+Europa. What exactly does “More Europe” mean to you?

Marco Ferraro.  Più Europa”, more Europe, means that Europe is still the answer to most of Italy’s problems. Whether it is economic growth, immigration, international trade or international security, we think that Italy would only lose by leaving a European path. Italy was a founding member of the European Community, it has greatly benefitted from European integration, and it should continue along this path. Europe has today become a scapegoat used by populists and demagogues to harvest votes and media attention, but we need to reject this line of thought. We are here to show that Italians still understand the importance of Europe for their lives. We want to show that you can actually gather popular support, and votes, around a pro-European platform, rather than an anti-European one.

In these years of spreading anti-Europeism this is something that needs to be repeated and which we need to prove in practice and in actions in order for us to be reminded of it.

 Alessandro Massari: Italy was not yet a Republic and already, it has been imagined a free state in a united Europe. +Europa with Emma Bonino, for me and for Italy, means to restart – with decision, courage and foresight – the European project which has always been present in the Radical DNA. Italy had an important role in Europe’s Birth. The Ventotene Manifesto, edited by Rossi and Spinelli in 1941, which gave birth to EEC was signed in Rome in 1957. +Europa con Emma Bonino is a project that seeks to guarantee welfare in freedom, integration in safety, more rights for all and more safeguards for environment.  It is an instrument for promoting peace, prosperity and democracy, which is needed here and now, not only for Italy but all of Europe.

What is, in your opinion, the biggest problem Italy faces at the moment and what will your contribution with +Europa be?

Marco Ferraro:  At a very general level, Italy’s fundamental problem is the lack of mutual trust among the political actors who have a stake in determining our future. For example the political parties and the electorate: people who go to vote. “Social trust” is a public good, and we don’t have much of it in Italy. This is why the years of what we call the “Second Republic” have been so inconclusive in terms of reforms.

While this is not a particularly new analysis about the Italian society, we have been seeing a new element in recent years: the appearance of a kind of populism which is more aggressive and which is based on a more fundamental rejection of “mainstream” values. This means, to offer an example, that issues which once seemed settled and consensual, have been politicised: one is the issue of vaccinations. Surprisingly as it may seem, populist discourse in Italy is going well beyond economic claims but it is attacking what we used to consider uncontroversial issues, like science and medicine.

We came to the point where, in political debate, the objectivity of the scientific approach can be questioned very easily – and here we are not talking about a learnt discussion with scholars who might have read Jaspers or Latour: we are talking about arguments put forward with the soundness of pub-like talk. Of course this does not happen only on “hard” scientific facts relative to medicine, but it spreads very easily into “softer” fields like economics, and then politics and international security.

Answering to this degeneration will require offering a message of hope and of trust in the future. And the message needs to come from a credible source. Più Europa is the right actor to do this. Emma Bonino is a guarantee of that: she is one of the most well known politicians in Italy and her story, like that of the “Radicali Italiani”, is an example of what we need: generosity in devoting oneself to others, coherence between words and actions, and courage in speaking the truth even when it is not popular.

Alessandro Massari: In my opinion, the biggest problem is the lack of intergenerational equity. The enormous public debt which Italy has accumulated causes loss of some rights for almost two generations, overwhelmed by poverty, insecurity in work, welfare for some. Italy’s Constitutional Chart provides that for each expense the means to deal with it must be identified but during the last 50 years, Italy has instead resorted to heavy debt.  The main problem is the failure to respect the rule of law, because rights have a price, and debt is not the right way to guarantee them. +Europa is way of securing more economic, social, political and civil growth. The new industrial revolution needs more digital infrastructures, more public services, less tax evasion and a more equal fiscal system. A ‘right’ justice, a universal model of welfare which could guarantee each worker and the work market that guarantees individual right to continuing education.  Beyond this, we need more democracy, more effective sovereignty in the hands of the citizen, thanks to the strengthening of direct democracy and referendums, which also utilizes digital technology. We can realize all these things only if we stop unproductive public expense,         eliminate the debt and all the money we lose in interest repayments. In this way, we will have more resources to invest in competitive businesses that provide jobs while guaranteeing, at the same time and for all, European unemployment benefit and a guaranteed minimum hourly wage.

You are already an Individual Member of ALDE Party. Don’t you think that’s enough to push for changes in European level?  What was your motivation to run as a candidate?

Marco Ferraro:  My motivation to run as a candidate is the desire to be part of the solution to the problems of our country; and the appreciation for the role that Emma Bonino and Radicali Italiani have had and continue to have in our society. Radicali Italiani are well known in Italy for having campaigned for civil rights in Italy in the past – on issues like divorce and abortion – and even today they are leading struggles that are fundamental for our living together. For example, the issue of granting Italian citizenship to the children of immigrants who are born and grow up in Italy. This is what we call “ius culturae” (citizenship by upbringing), but has wrongly and often been presented as “ius soli” (citizenship by place of birth).

Another personal reason, and a very strong one, is that I have been living outside of Italy, and for a long period in Turkey and Ukraine, and I have seen there the results of populist policies and propaganda. This gives me a perspective on what the future may hold for Italy if we don’t change course.

In relation to ALDE individual members; I have first joined it several years ago, as I saw and see it as a great opportunity for activism on a pan-European scale. Then I re-joined the ALDE individual members group as I was enthusiastic about Radical Italiani having joined ALDE in the meantime. I think that membeship of ALDE individual members and of a national political party can offer synergies and more opportunities for engagement.

 Alessandro Massari: I think EU has to be reformed. In 1996, I proposed to Marco Pannella, historical leader of Italian Radical Party, the idea of Trans-national lists as the Maastricht Treaty allowed them. Pannella was an Italian political giant known for his forward-looking and anticipatory visions.

I believe in Europe as a common homeland to live in law, freedom and equality, and I fear the rebirth of the Europe of homelands. In 1995, the time was not ripe but now I think it is. I regret that at next EU elections it is not possible to be candidates ourselves in trans-European lists but Brexit demonstrates to us that no rights and no institutions, no progress is forever if you do not commit yourselves to its maintenance and to feeding it.

Today the presentation of transnational lists is not only timely but also necessary. It must be realized Pan-European parties to realize a “light” Federal Europe.

As for my candidature, the reason is very simple: I always believed in the United States of Europe as starting point, not arrival one. In the last year with Radicali Italiani, I promoted with conviction the presentation of a pro-European list which includes not only Radicali Italiani, but everyone.

 Why, in your opinion, has a real liberal democratic culture in Italy struggled to emerge, while in the rest of Europe ALDE-affiliated parties have greater visibility?

 Alessandro Massari: In Italy, the combination of the liberal principle of individual rights with the democratic one of popular sovereignty has always been difficult. History demonstrates that both were most enunciated rather than respected. Independence wars left united Italy with a lot of debt. Historical right-wing politicians which led the country in these years represented elites, not ordinary people.  The transformation that destroyed the historical right, the end of the prohibition for Catholics to participate in political elections and the entry of popular forces into parliament were all determining factors for the rise of fascism, which looked at democracy as the evil to be treated with the nationalist dictatorship, centered on mass worship to the detriment of the individual. Republican parties – apart from Partito d’Azione – have been suffocated.  Only the Radical party was able to preserve a liberal democratic project in Italy, with referendums which made Italy more democratic, more modern, more right with enormous results. This despite a small number of MP electeds and despite attempts of obstruction by reactionary forces such as the Catholics, Stalinlists, collectivists.  I think today there is a space for liberal democracy, for a Europe of rights, and personal freedoms, federal but united in the differences. We can reform Italian institutions and be protagonists in the route towards United States of Europe.

With Italian people abroad being able to vote in this election, do you think +Europa should appeal directly to Italian people in Britain with Brexit looming? How will this happen?

Marco Ferraro. Più Europa is definitely reaching out to Italians who live in the UK; there are hundreds of thousands of them and London is a traditional destination city for many Italians who move to live abroad. Just in London there are about 250,000 Italians living there.

Più Europa has set up a committee in London – like similar ones in more that 50 cities across Europe – and several meetings have been carried out during the past weeks to reach out to the Italian communities there. Two of our candidates for the political elections, Davide Rubini and Claudio Radaelli, are themselves Italians who live and work in the UK. There is a strong interest among Italians in the UK for Più Europa, we are perceived as being different from other political parties, and specifically also in our understanding of the condition of the Italians who live outside Italy.

We don’t think there is a problem in the fact that many Italians chose to go to live and work abroad, we instead think that the problem is in the obstacles that Italy raises when and if they want to return back to Italy. We have put forward specific proposals in this regard, which aim exactly to remove these barriers: the proposals revolve around the idea that the Italian state shall take into account and recognise experiences and rights acquired by an individual during his or her  years spent abroad. This is to include the automatic recognition of degrees acquired abroad, professional qualifications, pension rights, and family rights acquired in another EU member state – this is of particular relevance for same-sex couples who marry in another country and have the legitimate expectation of still being married when they move back to Italy.

We therefore propose not some kind of cumbersome public policy supporting Italians abroad, we ask a simple thing, to give full application to the principle of the freedom of movement as foreseen by the European Union. I think that in any future Brexit deal, citizens’ rights shall be treated as a separate issue, they cannot be approached like the UK contributions to EU programmes or budget. I am convinced that this matters very much for preserving London as an international metropolis, one of the world’s capitals, and downgrading the rights of Europeans living there would be self-defeating for the UK.

Kevin Mc Namara and Emanuele Lombardini



On 4 March, Italy will return to vote to elect  new Members of Parliament. Some ALDE individual members are candidates with the liberal-democratic list + Europa with Emma Bonino. In these interviews we present the second 4 of them. We asked three questions to all of them and one different, about some important topics for Italy and Europe.

How Italy votes. The new Italian voting system has two levels of elections. 37%  of Members of Parliament in both Chambers  are elected in a “Uninominale” (single name list) college: single parties or coalitions express one common name. One wins the seat, others lose. 61% of MPs – in both chambers – are elected in a “Plurinominale” (more names list) college: each single party proposes from 1 to 4 candidates. The higher the percentage of votes obtained, the higher will be the number of  elected candidates. There is also a minimum percentage to be obtained to elect candidates. The remaining  2% of seats are for Italian candidates who live abroad.

You can read here the first set of interviews

Candidates we present today

Claudia Daniela Basta. Born in San Donà di Piave (province of Venezia) in 1976, she is a University Reasearcher and teacher, and lives in The Hague (The Neteherlands). Liberal, Radical in the dutch party D66, ALDE Individual Member. She runs as a candidate for Deputee Chambers for  Europe Constituency.

Riccardo Lo Monaco, Born in Cagliari in 1976, liberal, radical, LGBT Activist, manager.  Co -Founder of Forza Europa movement, ALDE IM Member. He runs as candidate for the “Plurinominale” (More names list) for the Senate in Sardegna 01 and Veneto 01. In Sardegna Constituency runs against Mario Adinolfi leader of anti-LGBT Moviment Il Popolo della Famiglia (Family People)

Antonio Stango. Born in Naples in 1957, he is a political scientist, writer, and editor and, since 2016, former president of the Italian league for Human Rights and now president of  Italian Federation for Human Rights. He is in the board member of “Hands off Cain”, an Italian NGO with the mission of outlawing the death penalty globally. He is italian national coordinator of ALDE Individual Members and candidate for the Deputees Chamber for the “Plurinominale” (More name list) in Veneto 02.

 Andreina Serena Romano. Born in Potenza in 1985. University researcher, works in business strategy, and innovation for SMEs and for the public sector. She was a former Member of Italia dei Valori (Italy of Value, former ALDE Member party) and is an ALDE Individual Member. She is a candidate for the Deputees Chamber for the “Plurinominale” (More names list) in Basilicata, where she is running against Vito De Filippo, the former Undersecretary to School and Instruction of the Democratic Party.

You are running as a candidate with Più Europa/+Europa. What exactly does “More Europe” mean to you?

Claudia Basta.  More Europe points toward the direction that we radical liberals believe our country should orientate its development. Populism is rampant in Italy, and the narrative according to which the European Union is the source of Italy’s socio-economic stagnation has convinced many. More Europe’s intent is to contrast that narrative and let voters realize that less Europe means a definite collapse – more Europe, the hope of offering a better future to our citizens.

Riccardo Lo Monaco First of all, I think +Europa means taking everything good that European Union gives to all Member States. We need to look forward to United State of Europe. On the other hand, +Europa means more opportunities, more rights and, above all, more peace. Indeed, we can’t forget that we have been living in peace for more than 60 years. In the end, +Europa means Erasmus, which is a powerful way to built a unique identity

Antonio Stango Italy, which is among the six founding countries of the EU, has achieved a very high level of security and economic development, which in isolation would have been impossible. Moreover – and we must be proud of this – it was in Rome in 1950 that the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, to which all the States of the Council of Europe are obliged to comply, was signed. All the community mechanisms are a vital guarantee for us in the field of human rights as well as in the economy. Faced with the wave of incongruous accusations against Europe in recent years, due to a economic and social crisis, the message of “more Europe” shows us that we need to strengthen the federal structure and not “more duties, more nationalism, and less freedom of movement for people and goods”.

Andreina Serena Romano. +Europa means for Italy to believe in a federal project, united and aware of Europe. A concrete project of United States of Europe that could be a reason for growth for the country. Italy needs Europe, just as Europe needs Italy. We must not stand still and be moved by events. Italy must walk with other states facing all the challenges of the future. We must be aware of the possibilities and work constantly to make our economy flourish and shine with our productive, natural and social capacities. +Europa with Emma Bonino represents a possibility, a challenge and a reason to continue to hope for a more European Italy.0

What is, in your opinion, the biggest problem Italy faces at the moment and what will your contribution with +Europa be?

Claudia Basta. The biggest plague of and in Italy at present is what I regard as the grave cultural degradation that seems to affect large parts of the population. Were that not be the case, far-right parties like Lega, Fratelli d’Italia and CasaPound, and ‘clown parties’ like Berlusconi’s Forza Italia and the Five Star Movement, would not have the consensus they clearly have. To be clear: the conservative right has its own history and legitimate political philosophical grounds, in Italy as in the rest of Europe, and I respect those grounds despite my liberalism. The point is the current far-right in Italy is a grotesque representation of that legacy. It is led by leaders who miss the cultural background and competencies required to set forward any credible political programme, sometimes even to express themselves in Italian correctly. Yet they form a consensus, flagging by so doing the mutual lack of critical thinking in far too many citizens – how can someone believe that Europe is our problem rather than our solution, or that immigrants are inherently a threat?

By promoting a stronger integration of Italy in Europe and vice versa, by stressing the importance of science, research & development, as the ‘DNA’ of our democracy, and by putting our women candidates Costanza Hermanin, Ersilia Vaudo, Roberta Talarico and Giulia Pastorella – all high-skilled professionals with a scientific background – at the forefront of our campaign, Più Europa aims at activating a cultural revolution. Politically conscious Italians abound, both in Italy and abroad – our challenge is involving them in our project.

Riccardo Lo Monaco First of all, we need to increase jobs. However, we can’t forget the huge public debt that overwhelms Italy. For this reason, on one hand we need a State that helps market competition and the private initiative. On the other hand, we need to cut the wastes that hit public costs. In this way we can invest on job.

Antonio Stango  The complexity of international relations, including the risks of terrorism and war, the epochal challenge of migration, the transnationality of organized crime and the need for new forms of industrial and commercial competitiveness in a globalized world. These oblige us to joint responses from one strong European Union, while it would be dangerous to rely on individual solutions by 27 states. The development of strategies and methods for dealing with social problems within each country can benefit from European cooperation and the sharing of best practices in different fields. The elected representatives of +Europa, in addition to the specific skills that each will bring, and in a pragmatically liberal democratic and non-ideological vision, will have to maintain the full European integration method in all areas of their parliamentary activity.

Andreina Serena Romano. Unfortunately, at the moment, I think that Italy is facing many problems in many sectors. There is a great job to do and many sacrifices to come. I could list many points in the program but I would like to focus on a couple. Growth and the labour market are two key points in the +Europa programme and two hot topics in my campaign. From these two points there are a thousand themes that can solve many of the problems that we face. Rethinking industry and companies with more modern, innovative approaches helps us to create different production and commercial models that can keep up with the times. The contribution of research is essential for us to thrive and to differentiate ourselves. Competition should not be a taboo but the foundation of our economy. Not only for companies but also for consumers. We need to facilitate freelancers and remove barriers from young people creating businesses. By loosening these knots, we can start to speak a common language to the rest of the world, which continues to move forward as we watch. Think of the world of start-ups and the many problems of small and micro companies that make up the largest percentage of our economic fabric: we must remove the obstacles to their growth.

 You are already an Individual Member of ALDE Party. Don’t you think that’s enough to push for changes in European level?  What was your motivation to run as a candidate?

Claudia Basta. Initially, I didn’t think I would run as a candidate. As member of ALDE and of the Dutch party D66, having lived in the Netherlands, I had enough to do and contribute to the European project already.

When Più Europa was born, back in November, what I did was simply to put myself at disposal of the respective European steering committee, led by our head-of-list for the lower chamber, Alessandro Fusacchia. I gave my availability to become a candidate, as many others, for helping the movement grow in Northern Europe more than for the true ambition to run, but Alessandro proposed me to be the first ‘Dutch’ candidate ever proposed by an Italian party in the Europe constituency, and I accepted with enthusiasm.

Riccardo Lo Monaco Italy does not have a political party that represents Europe and European ideas. This could be a risk for the European project. Unfortunately, many Italian leaders, even including Berlusconi, who says he supports United Europe, allies with the most xenophobic and nationalist political parties that have ever existed in Italy, such as Salvini and Meloni. I will always support human rights and civil liberties, such as LGBTI cause. These rights could be threatened by anti-European parties. Indeed, this is the reason why I decided to become a candidate. My goal is to defend the European project and all that means: rights, Erasmus, circulation and integration in order to create an unique identity within all Member States. In this way, Italy will be similar to other countries, such as France, Germany or Dutch, without being the Hungary with Orban.

Antonio Stango  Transnational lists would be a positive step towards an accentuated federal dimension of the European Union, just as it was important in 1979 to start electing the members of the European Parliament by universal suffrage. I am sure that we will have to achieve this goal too. I have chosen to run as a candidate because I believe that all the energies and ideas of those who do not intend to give in to populism, sovereignism or abstention – three deadly risks to democracy, civil rights and socio-economic wellbeing – must converge towards the hope of effectively liberal democratic and federalist politics.

Andreina Serena Romano. I believe that the time has come for a new, more European, more compact and policy younger. New communication methods and new methods of approach to the voter. I have been an individual member of ALDE for many years, I started my journey in LYMEC and this has helped me a lot. Dealing with the politics of other countries is a starting point to improve and make ours more open. This is why I have always supported transnational lists, which have had a setback. It’s a way to rely on different cultures and thoughts, to discover how other European countries operate and how we can improve our political activities. It is time for a new political wind of right ideals, of real commitment and of security and loyalty. That’s why I chose to run as a candidate and put my face in the front row for the European project.

Why, in your opinion, has a real liberal democratic culture in Italy struggled to emerge, while in the rest of Europe ALDE-affiliated parties have greater visibility?

Antonio Stango  Italian politics has for decades been dominated by the contrast between the two “church parties” – the Christian Democrats and the Communist Party with strong traditions of Catholicism and Marxism respectively. Meanwhile, the minor secular parties, like Liberal Democrats, no other possibility of maneuvering it but supporting it, with variable results. The only exception were the Italian Social Movement which referred to the political elements of Fascism and which was considered “outside the constitutional arch” – a term referred to the parties who contributed to wrote the Italian Constitutional Chart after WWII, the Radical Party, which between 1976 and 1987 participated in the elections with the his own name and that he posed as an alternative to both the logic and the “historical compromise” between Christian Democrats and Communists, pursuing his own non-ideological objectives and seeking convergence on those.

The end of the PCI, which was the largest communist party in the Western world, together with the French one) after the collapse of the Wall and the dissolution of the Soviet reference, the extinction of the DC and other parties in the final crisis of the “First Republic” left space for Berlusconi’s Forza Italia; that initially appeared as a “mass liberal party”, and changed face, programs and practices according to the polls and allies of the moment. The phase that starts now could allow us, precisely because of the urgent need to counteract the new risks, to strengthen the role of a liberal democratic alternative party and make it more evident and incisive.

Andreina Serena Romano. This is a good question, difficult and impactful. The liberal democratic parties in Europe are strong, often form the government and are often fundamental in European political management. I believe the main problem is our difficulty in changing history and adapting ourselves. We have a strong attachment to conservative and Catholic thought, despite being a secular country. But this is a knot that we will dissolve with difficulty, even if with +Europa we are finally launching one true liberal democratic party that can lead us towards modernity.

With Italian people abroad being able to vote in this election, do you think +Europa should appeal directly to Italian people in Britain with Brexit looming? How will this happen?

Claudia Basta. Più Europa’s candidates living in the UK, Davide Rubini (for the lower chamber) and Claudio Radaelli (for the Senate) are the brightest, most competent and most genuine ‘remainers’ that Italian voters are likely to meet in the course of this campaign. Respectively, a European Regulatory Affairs Manager and a European governance professor, they have explained to the many Italians who followed their campaign why they think Brexit is a political, economic, and  identitarian disaster for the people living in the UK – regardless of whether they’re native British or not. Davide and Claudio embody outstandingly our pro-European political programme and the level at which we would like to take the debate on the European Union. Through them, and through the entire team created by Alessandro Fusacchia and Alberto Alemanno, our head-of-list at the Senate, we really are deploying the best minds and the most enthusiastic Italians possible for making the European Union “exiters-proof”.

Riccardo Lo Monaco +Europa should appeal to all Italians within European territory, stimulating them to vote for “Europe”. Of course, Italians in Great Britain should feel more than everyone this European feeling. For this reason, since Brexit, they should vote +Europa. We just need to reach them saying that we are in this election!

Kevin Mc Namara and Emanuele Lombardini

Italian political elections 2018, ALDE Individual members candidates: get to know them/1

On 4 March, Italy will return to vote to elect  new Members of Parliament. Eight ALDE individual members are candidates with the liberal-democratic list + Europa with Emma Bonino. In these interviews we present the first 4 of them. We asked three questions to all of them and one different, about some important topics for Italy and Europe.

How Italy votes. The new Italian voting system has two levels of elections. 37%  of Members of Parliament in both Chambers  are elected in a “Uninominale” (single name list) college: single parties or coalitions express one common name. One wins the seat, others lose. 61% of MPs – in both chambers – are elected in a “Plurinominale” (more names list) college: each single party proposes from 1 to 4 candidates. The higher the percentage of votes obtained, the higher will be the number of  elected candidates. There is also a minimum percentage to be obtained to elect candidates. The remaining  2% of seats are for Italian candidates who live abroad.


Candidates we present today:


Born in Cantù, province of Como in 1974, president of Certi Diritti Association, LGBT Activist. Member of Radicali Italiani, former president of ALDE Individual Members. Candidate for Deputees Chamber at  “Plurinominale” (More name list) in Lombardia 02.


Born in Foggia in 1973, she lives in Turin. Tresaurer of Radicali Italiani, ALDE Individual Member. Leader candidate for Deputees Chamber at “Uninominale” (Single name list) in Turin 02 and at  “Plurinominale” (More name list) in Piemonte 1, Lazio 1, Campania 1, Campania 2


Born in Turin in 1969, journalist, editor in  chief of political study on line magazine “Strade”, ALDE Individual Member and member of Radicali Italiani. Candidate for Senate at  “Plurinominale” (More name list) in Piemonte 1, Piemonte 2, Lombardia 2, Lombardia 3, Lombardia 4.


Born in Milan 1976, she lives in Rome where she works as trainer and consutant in crowfunding sector. Member of Radicali Italiani and ALDE Individual Member. Candidate for Senate at  “Plurinominale” (More name list) in Veneto 01, Veneto 02, Trentino Alto Adige 01, Friuli Venezia Giulia 01, Lazio 02, Lazio 03


You are running as a candidate with Più Europa/+Europa. What exactly does “More Europe” mean to you?

Yuri Guaiana I’ve been a Radical for all my life and I subscribe to all their liberal views, since individual freedom is at the core of my political identity – but +Europa goes beyond the Radicals. It’s a political project which makes Europe a priority for Italy. In these times of rampant Euroscepticism, we are the only party who dare to say that we need more Europe and that this is in our interest. Europe gave Italy more economic stability and more civil rights. To tackle migration, we need common European borders. We want a federal Europe where responsibilities are clear and people, not only nation states, count.

Sjlvia Manzi +Europa, in Italy – and not only in Italy – is a need. We are living through a period that will be studied in the history books if we don’t reverse the course. Next generations will ask themselves how we allowed the return of nationalism and populism. This is the reason why, even in a country with strong European tradition like Italy, we must reaffirm that the solution to our problems is not less Europe, but more rights, more democracy, more freedom and, therefore, more Europe.

Carmelo Palma. First, it means reversing the rhetoric of victimhood that many have towards the EU and reversing the decline of fiscal responsibility and financial stability in Italy as Europe has become the scapegoat for problems that have been caused in Rome.

The public debt, which has dug a chasm beneath the feet of future generations, has been the product of national political choices. The imbalances of our social security system arise from a parasitic use of the public budget as a means of “remuneration”. In Italy, the exchange vote was not legal, but taxpayers are paying the price of this sale.

The EU is the life boat keeping Italy afloat. Outside the Eurozone and without ECB support, we would not be able to refinance its public debt. +Europa means for us +Italy. Without the common market and without the four freedoms – the free movement of goods, capital, services and people – the Italian economy, with its export-oriented manufacturing vocation, would simply die.

Diana Severati Europe has guaranteed us peace, a free market, freedom of movement and opportunity for young people, such as Erasmus. We are saying yes to this Europe we have but More Europe means to me more liberty, more rights, more democracy, more growth, more sustainability,  more union rights, more knowledge, more equity, and more jobs.

What is, in your opinion, the biggest problem Italy faces at the moment and what will your contribution with +Europa be?

Yuri Guaiana Italy faces a huge populist threat which can harm not only Italy but the EU itself. To fight it, we need to change many things starting from the relationship between the State and us citizens. For far to many years we have increased our public debt jeopardizing the future of young Italians. The disregard for them is shocking and that’s why populism and euro skepticism is high among the youngsters. We need to freeze public expenditures to contain the public debt and start reducing taxis, especially for free lancers who are the most vexed and the youngest workers. We need to do away with all the red tape that makes it harder to interact with the public administrator. We need to support more scientific  research and technological development. In a nutshell, we need to create more opportunity, specially for young people.

Sjlvia Manzi Italy’s big problems are still those linked to the blocks of party power. We must not delude ourselves: even new movements, that define themselves as ’different’ have perfectly fitted to the ‘parties system’ and have become the new bishops of it. This is why those of us that become +Europa MPs will have as priority the respect for the rules, legality, and the rule of law.

Carmelo Palma The biggest problem is restoring a honesty to politics and creating a politics that recognizes and faces problems. If one thinks of treating a country with a lot of debt with even more debt is a good outcome, then it shows that our political culture is very debased and out of touch.

What we risk is a phenomenon of collective alienation, like the one that brought British voters to vote for Brexit, which will not put an extra pound in the pockets of families in the United Kingdom and risks taking it away in the medium and long term, much more than what they thought was extracted from them by Brussels.

I give another example: we live in a country that in 2017 had a negative demographic balance – the relationship between births and deaths – of 180,000 individuals, the worst after that of the First World War, with the worst fertility rate in Europe of 1.2 children per woman of childbearing age. Yet we continue to consider immigration a problem when it is the only possible and immediate solution to the deterioration of the demographic structure of the population.

Diana Severati I think that the biggest problem Italy faces at the moment is public debt. Public debt is a real threat causing financial instability and market trust crisis.

+Europa proposes to freeze the nominal value of public debt for the next five years by cutting subsidies dangerous to the environment, main house subsidies and subsidies to businesses  (especially in the agricolture and manufacture sectors). There are also the spending review lists by Carlo Cottarelli and Roberto Pierotti, ready to be implemented.

Making Italy free from public debt would allow the country to better face the European integration process.

You are already an Individual Member of ALDE Party. Don’t you think that’s enough to push for changes in European level?  What was your motivation to run as a candidate?

Yuri Guaiana I am running as +Europa candidate precisely because I’m an individual member of ALDE Party, not despite it. Doing politics cannot be confined to one affiliation. I’m doing politics as a Human Rights activist, as an Individual Member of ALDE Party and as a candidate with +Europa. ALDE Party has been running a very effective campaign called #ValuesFirst. That’s for me what politics is about: study and work hard to enhance my liberal values and translate them into policies and laws. This campaign is another way to engage with people on crucial matters and fundamental values that today, more than ever, are at stake. If I am elected, I will help translate them into policies and laws within the institutions, but If I don’t I’ll keep doing politics and translate my values into polices and laws from outside the institutions. As Radicals, we are pretty good at that, as we showed with the laws on divorce, abortion and, more recently, on civil unions and living wills.

Sjlvia Manzi. It should certainly more courage. Apart from transnational lists idea, it is overall the election mode for MEPs that should be reformed in a way to allow a real closeness between elected and voters. This is what Europe needs more. I choose to run as a candidate to try to realize the Liberal European Federalist dream, chasing Altiero Spinelli and Marco Pannella (Italian radical leader ndr) tradition.

Carmelo Palma. I am member of a pro-European party, but I think the most promising prospect for the political consolidation of the Union is that of building pan-European parties. Without parties that think of themselves as Europeans, it will be difficult to imagine a European policy that is not a sum or an average of national policies. If we look at the great European political families, including ours, there are not only evident differences between the different national parties that compose them, but there is a substantial impossibility of thinking of the European as a truly unified political dimension. It is illusory to think of an EU that exceeds the states that compose it. But it is also illusory to think that the only level of political organization and representation is that of the state and that it is possible together to make a European policy. What led me to nominate myself? The awareness that, as Mitterand said, nationalism is war.

Diana Severati Individual Members are not a party themselves but their role is to activate the dialogue with existing member parties, trying also to influence them.

National parties, at the moment, are still needed and they should put United States of Europe on their agenda.

Being an ALDE IM, running as a candidate is an added value. Indeed, this is the reason why I decided to become a candidate. My goal is to defend the European project and all that means: rights, Erasmus, circulation and integration in order to create an unique identity within all Member States. In this way, Italy will be similar to other countries, such as France, Germany or Dutch, without being the Hungary with Orban.

Why, in your opinion, has a real liberal democratic culture in Italy struggled to emerge, while in the rest of Europe ALDE-affiliated parties have greater visibility?

Sjlvia Manzi Because varied and numerous liberal movements in Italy do not have the courage to unite  – preferring to claim a more past without having competence and humility to look to the future. On the other hand, there remain some seemingly insurmountable differences, among ‘so called’ right wing liberals and ‘so called’ left wing liberals.

It’s time to overcome these differences: liberals and democrats, in my opinion, should be as liberal in economical topics as they are individual freedom strenuous defenders.

Carmelo Palma. Liberal Democratic parties in Italy have never emerged in the last century from a strongly minoritarian dimension. While, for many decades, they played a decisive role in the balance of government and today they are mostly extra-institutional forces, lacking sufficient electoral consistency to win seats and metamorphose into politically accredited interlocutors. I hope that +Europa can reverse this process. I do not delude myself that we can win the election, but I think we can bring back a force that is openly liberal democratic within institutions and at the heart of political discussion.

With Italian people abroad being able to vote in this election, do you think +Europa should appeal directly to Italian people in Britain with Brexit looming? How will this happen?

Yuri Guaiana +Europa does appeal to Italians living overseas. We have great candidates in all the overseas constituencies and the European one is obviously the most important. Many Italians left Italy – for the UK, but also for Spain and Germany – because there were no chances here for them. I’m talking about chances to find a job or, if they are LGBT, to marry the person they love, for instance. They know better than any other what the problems are in Italy and I’m confident they will support us. I don’t think Italians in the UK are any different to Italians in Spain, Germany or anywhere else, but they certainly know very well the problems that Brexit causes to the UK and to European citizens in the UK. I’m confident they will support our pro-European message

Diana Severati +Europa is directly appealing to Italian people living in the UK. We have candidates for Europe, Americas and Asia. For people living in London, a fundraising dinner with Benedetto Della Vedova will take place on the 19th of February.

Kevin Mc Namara and Emanuele Lombardini


ALDE Party Congress 2017: have we reached our Climax?

From December 1st to 3rd, Amsterdam hosted the ALDE Party Congress 2017. In this piece, Thalia Ntoka speaks about the salient aspects of the event, the perspectives for Alde and the contribution  expected from Individual Members

With more than 3000 ALDE Individual Members around the world we should celebrate this and hope things won’t change. We already achieved so many successes regarding our status. We have an elected Steering Committee, country Coordinators and a whole department inside the ALDE Party to help us. We elect Delegates, submit Resolutions, have voting rights and attend the annual Congress with numerous events, what else could we ask for?

The truth is that this Congress, was a huge success for us! We worked hard for two years, elected 3 Delegates to represent us, submitted 2 Resolutions and one of them was adopted. We held 4 big events, offered our members the possibility to contribute, share and exchange ideas and finally, we managed to increase our visibility, we even had a live interview similar to that prime ministers and commissioners had.

If we look back to where we started, we already made big steps and achieved so many things. We definitely couldn’t have done it without help from people from the ALDE Party and if we didn’t have the will to become stronger and give the European citizens the opportunity to participate and raise their voice.

Now the time has come to make the next big step and this is the hard part. We need to decide about the kind of the piece of the puzzle we want to be. We come from different countries and even if we share common European values, we also have our national identity. It won’t be easy to persuade people to start thinking different than what they are used to. We should find our common ground where we are all strongly connected and start pushing for European solutions.

We have already produce resolutions but we need to eliminate all kind of concerns when it comes to the slogan of ‘more Europe’. Our campaigns should be targeted and specific to important issues regarding our common future. Our events must contain solutions and politics. We need to become the policy makers who will offer a liberal agenda to the European citizens.

We cannot change things in a heart beat. Our president Hans Van Baalen once said that the Individual Members are the driving force of the ALDE party. We should prove our value on daily basis. The New Steering Committee has concrete roles, since we decided that if we want to succeed and make a step further, we have to separate our duties and use our abilities wisely. We also decided to introduce two co-Chairs because the ALDE Party Individual membership is increasing rapidly, something which means there is much more work to be done.

Unfortunately 5 people cannot work miracles, we need your valuable help and knowledge. Introduce yourselves to those who are interested in participating. Share your creative ideas with us and other members. Being a policy maker is not an easy task, it requires good will and time. There is no need to feel disappointment if the results are not always the desired ones because challenges will never stop.

The next two years we will choose our battles wisely. We will target specific political sectors (eg. education, economy, environment, human rights), so that our campaigns have a result. The same with our events in our countries. You are all invited to highlight problems in your region and we will be there to help you. 

If I could use this as a call for participation then allow me to add this quote from Barack Obama: “A change is brought about because ordinary people, do extraordinary things.”

We can do extraordinary things but that requires a strategy, highly motivated people and big dreams. With more than 3000 members around the world, let’s do it!

Thalia Ntoka

L’Europa e le sfide dei flussi migratori: Alde Individual Members ne hanno discusso a Roma

In this new contribution, in Italian, Marco Ajello talks about an event organized by Alde Individual Members  and Radicali Italiani about Europe and migration flows. Among the speakers were Emma Bonino, former European Union Commissioner and former Minister of Foreign Affairs; Benedetto Della Vedova, Under-Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and founder of the pro-EU movement Forza Europa; Andrea Mazziotti, current chairman of the Commission for Constitutional Affairs, and, finally, Radicali Italiani president  Antonella Soldo. Due to the exceptional nature of this event, we have decided to publish a longer contribution than we usually permit

Alde Individual Members  insieme col parlamento europeo e di concerto coi Radicali Italiani ha organizzato una conferenza sul tema politico sicuramente più sensibile al momento, ovvero quello della gestione dei flussi migratori. Moderato da Antonio Stango, coordinatore italiano degli Alde Individual Members, l’incontro ha visto la presenza di Emma Bonino, già Ministro degli Esteri e commissario Europeo, dell’attuale presidente della commissione Affari Costituzionali della Camera dei Deputati, Andrea Mazziotti, di Benedetto della Vedova, sottosegretario agli Esteri, della presidente radicale Antonella Soldo; di Gianna Radiconcini, presidente onorario del Partito d’Azione, di Marc Hartwig, leader del team Hotspot Italia e di due studiosi del settore come Giuseppe Morgese e Nadan Petrovich, oltre a Riccardo Scarpa della Lega Italiana diritti dell’uomo.

Il quadro generale italiano

L’immigrazione non è un fatto nuovo e se nel nostro paese è un fatto recente, di certo le migrazioni sono avvenute dal nostro paese e in alcuni momenti sono stati elemento caratterizzante, senza dover pensare all’epoca dei regni romanobarbarici, la stessa Roma si sviluppa col contributi di diverse popolazioni, compresi gli etruschi, che probabilmente nemmeno erano di lingua indoeuropea; e ovviamente senza dimenticare le colonie greche o fenicie lungo le coste meridionali. La stessa Epica che doveva celebrare il natale di Roma tratta della storia di un migrante anatolico che fugge col padre e il figlio dalla guerra e trovando l’amore e il progetto di vita nella penisola.

Oggi globalmente nel mondo ci sono 230 milioni, 3% della popolazione mondiale, un sociologo austriaco rovesciò la questione ponendosi invece il quesito “come mai il 97% delle persone non si sposta?” Gli stati nascono entità di sovrano che posseggono sudditi e terre e in tal senso le varie modernizzazioni non cambiano tale sostanza. L’ultimo millennio si caratterizza contro gli spostamenti di massa e anzi i dissidi fra diversi gruppi etnici sono stati spesso alla base degli sconvolgimenti e della creazione di nuovi assetti. In questa cornice si sviluppano i principi sul “diritto di emigrare” degli individui, che non si traduce in qualche obbligo a ricevere immigrazione. La convenzione di Ginevra del 1951, sottoscritta da una trentina di stati sovrani  aveva in mente soprattutto la problematica di singoli individui e si preoccupavano per i perseguitati dagli stati di origine (siamo nel pieno della guerra fredda): quindi non si trattava di emigrazioni di massa e si poggiava unicamente sulla persecuzione di enti statali. Il ministro Gava firmò le prime riforme in merito e da allora non sono sostanzialmente cambiate: la legislazione cittadinanza è del 1992, quella dell’asilo del 2002, ma riprende una legge del 1990). Oggi dunque viviamo col paradosso di fare un’accoglienza che pare fine a se stessa, e solo dopo anni cominciamo a chiedere all’immigrato cosa sa fare (e senza permesso di soggiorno gli è vietato chiedere un lavoro standard). Abbiamo un’immigrazione sostanzialmente irregolare, anche perché non abbiamo offerto un’immigrazione regolare credibile. Andare nel consolato del proprio paese per  informarsi per trovare un imprenditore o uno sponsor italiano nasconde una mentalità da pianificazione statale assolutamente fuori da ogni buon senso: il mercato produce le occasioni di lavoro, non gli stati, soprattutto in paesi c un forte terziario avanzato.

La situazione attuale.

Dopo le tragedie in mare nel 2015 la UE decide di regolamentare la problematica  (l’agenda europea dell’immigrazione: evitare i morti, ridurre immigrazione irregolare,  arrivare a una politica comune di asilo, una nuova politica di immigrazione legale e rafforzare i rapporti coi paesi di origine); l’obiettivo era  creare una eccezione temporanea agli accordi di Dublino. La commissione, per ingraziarsi i paesi membri, ha premuto per l’uso sistematico del fotosegnalamento, per garantire a ogni paese la conoscenza sugli arrivi. Il sistema italiano di accoglienza è però saturo: non si può garantire la gestione completa nei 5 hotspot destinati e si compensa con varie strutture emergenziali.

Gli accordi di Dublino prevedono che la richiesta degli immigrati debba avvenire nel paese di primo approdo. L’Italia firmò a cuor leggero, perchè in quel momento lo scenario vedeva come avamposto la Germania rispetto alle rotte via terra nella Mitteleuropa. Il problema vero non sono gli sbarchi, bensì la società multiculturale: problemi quindi non solo di casa e lavoro, ma anche di pari opportunità; e se non ci è chiaro lo scenario, il rischio è che ci scoppi tutto addosso.

L’intervento di Andrea Mazziotti

Di rilievo l’intervento di Andrea Mazziotti, promotore con Bonino, Della Vedova e Magi della nuova lista ‘+ Europa’: “In Parlamento- ha spiegato-non ha avuto vita facile la risoluzione del 2016 dell’europarlamento sulla raccomandazione all’istituzione di un meccanismo in materia di democrazia, stato di diritto e diritti fondamentali. Da parametri valori a norme, ma di fatto in parlamento si rovescia lo schema. Si parte  dal problema, da quello che ci piacerebbe e dopo si cerca di adattare con le norme: prima vediamo di cosa sono contenti i cittadini. Il problema in ambito Parlamentare è la mancanza dei giusti interlocutori nelle sedi istituzionali. Ed inoltre quella delle modifiche alle norme sull’asilo politico è questione marginale nonostante si parla solo di quello. Quanto alla revisione del trattato di Dublino, è stata bocciata dall’Italia, sia perché l’onere rimane in gran parte nel paese di primo approdo, che avrebbe dovuto comunque fare una revisione preliminare di ammissibilità, lasciando quindi un sovraccarico a tali paesi; sia per la gestione con gli altri paesi membri, che di fatto legittimava la non ricezione di individui in cambio di minori trasferimenti di denaro, esplicitando di fatto un valore monetario del migrante. Secondo correttezza, si dovrebbe sollevare la questione partendo all’articolo 7 del trattato e cacciare gli stati membri reticenti. La Commissione stessa persiste nell’usare strumenti giuridici deboli, per potersi riservare maggior  discrezionalità e di comune accordo coi governi soppianta l’Europarlamento e i suoi strumenti democratici e legali. Tutta la gestione dell’immigrazione di fatto è avvenuta al di fuori di trattati stipulati con altre nazioni sovrane, gli accordi dei singoli governi con la Turchia sono un esempio. E in Libia è ancora peggio, considerando che gli accordi non sono neppure con una realtà statuale radicata sul territorio, ma solamente vari clan e gruppi di potere al di fuori di qualunque controllo giuridico”.

Contro una nuova Lega delle nazioni

“Usiamo strumenti giuridici deboli quando ci va di mezzo la vita delle persone- prosegue Mazziotti – Viene da domandarsi a che serve l’inchiostro usato per le leggi che sanciscono dei valori. La riduzione di sbarchi di cui si vanta la commissione è meramente trattenuta nei paesi prospicienti il mediterraneo in strutture che non dobbiamo aver paura a chiamare Lager, intesi come luoghi al di fuori di controlli terzi e quindi latori di qualunque violenza. Al di là dell’Italia, al di là dell’Unione Europea, dobbiamo porci una questione di stato di diritto, anzi proprio di “pianeta di diritto”, argomento per il quale l’ONU dovrebbe essere la principale tematica, che purtroppo ultimamente ha cominciato a ritrarre l’espansione dei diritti umani a favore di una novella edizione della lega delle nazioni. Questo è il sovranismo: persone che vogliono chiudere il ciclo produttivo e riproduttivo. Se è vero che con liberalismo economico lì dove arrivano le merci non arrivano cannoni, è altrettanto vero che dove non si fanno arrivare le persone si dovrà perlomeno dare delle prospettive di sviluppo. E lo sviluppo non funziona dall’alto, se non per la creazione di norme e di progetti di massima. La crescita reale avviene con le singole decisione di ogni singola “formichina umana” che abita questo pianeta: solo i risparmi degli immigrati può portare benessere autentico nelle popolazioni in ristrettezze economiche. Dagli accordi di Helsinki (1975) fino all’attentato alle Torri Gemelle (2001) il mondo ci ha fatto credere in una progressiva e inarrestabile aumento dei diritti individuali. La diminuzione del lavoro e soprattutto del suo valore economico al di fuori delle figure ultrapicali,  ha smantellato il potere della media borghesia che è il contropotere diffuso contro i soprusi delle entità statuali e non. La  morbidezza con la Cina dopo i fatti di Tienanmen han garantito essa di diventare potenza mondiale, e ora persino prepotenza mondiale. Siamo sempre più mondo fatto di governatori in stile George Wallace, nel suo discorso di insediamento nel 1963 invocò “segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever” (segregazione ora, domani e sempre). Per questo non bisogna far passare sotto gamba queste problematiche: c’è in gioco oltre all’assetto delle nostre città, anche proprio la nostra rappresentanza e diritti e valori che consideriamo base e fine della civiltà”.

Marco Ajello

“+Europa”: the new italian Liberal-Democratic challenge against populism

In this contribution, ALDE Individual Member and relevant blog coordinator Emanuele Lombardini speaks about the birth of ‘+ Europa’, a new list promoted by former EU Commissioner Emma Bonino, the Undersecretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Benedetto Della Vedova, and the movement of Radicali Italiani. The list intends to constitute a common point of reference for Italian radical liberals, liberal-democrats and reformists alike. +Europa’s ambition is running for the political elections of 2018.

+Europa is an Italian liberal-democratic list which intends to offer an alternative to growing populism and represent the Italians voters who embrace the ambitious project of constructing the United States of Europe. Through +Europa, radical liberals and liberal-democrats are determined to regain the seats in the Italian Parliament that they have been missing for a long time. The promoters of +Europa are the historical leader of Radicali Italiani Emma Bonino, former EU Commissioner and former Minister of Foreign Affairs; Benedetto Della Vedova, Undersecretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and founder of the pro- European Union movement ‘Forza Europa’; Andrea Mazziotti, current chairman of the Commission for Constitutional Affairs, formerly member of ‘Scelta Civica’ and now of ‘Civici e Innovatori; and, finally, the movement of Radicali Italiani led by secretary Riccardo Magi. On November 23rd, the presentation of +Europa, a list whose vision is eloquently conveyed by the ‘+E’ symbol with which it will compare on the voting papers, was held in Rome.

Riccardo Magi introduced the vision behind the list by explaining that “today’s distinctions are no longer between right and left, or between conservatives and reformists; but among those who believe that social and economic problems can be solved by closing within national borders and by resorting to neo-nationalism, and those who think that we must build an open society and re-launching the process of European integration.”. He went on to explain how the challenge implied in this vision is “fighting the clichés about Europe shared by most of Italian party leaders, according to which Europe is a ‘bad stepmother’.” Until those leaders will continue exploiting and disseminating these stereotypes, Magi concluded, “+Europa can only be and will remain an independent list. ” “The European Union is the only place where we want to stay”, added Emma Bonino, “since more Europe means more peace, more security, more rights, more growth, more culture, and more freedom.” She then reminded that the European Commission has always had solid arguments to criticize the management of Italian public finances, and that the ‘bonus policy’ promoted by former Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, as well as the agreement the current government made with Libya on migrants, were all serious mistakes. +Europa shall not be approached as the list of Radicali Italiani only though.  As Carmelo Palma, one of the early proponents of the list, explains, “The list represents all liberal-democratic, secular, pro-European Union and anti-populist Italian voters”. Those same voters were so far represented by a constellation of movements – like ‘Scelta Civica’ and ‘Fare per fermare il declino’ – who can now find, in +Europa, a common political platform.

One main obstacle to the parliamentary representation of +Europa exists though. The Italian electoral law requires, to any political movement not already represented in the Parliament, to collect a minimum number of validated signatures in each and all constituencies. For +Europa, this requirement comes down to collecting 50,000 signatures . That is why a campaign aimed at recruiting voters willing to undersign the list, as well as validating the signatures of others, was promptly launched by Radicali Italiani and by the several liberal associations that gravitate around +Europa. “It’s an uphill ride”, explains Carmelo Palma, “especially considering that due to the approval of the new electoral law in October 2017, all constituencies themselves shall be first formally constituted; only then, which means around mid-December, we could start with the collection of signatures. This means that we will have 45 days in total to collect 50,000 signatures throughout the whole country.” The stringency of this requirement has led Emma Bonino, Benedetto Della Vedova and Riccardo Magi to submit a formal request to Prime Minister Paolo Gentiloni to lower the quota of signatures necessary for presenting +Europa among all other candidate-lists. Whilst Gentiloni’s position in regard is yet unknown, liberal activists continue to campaign for empowering +Europa to run at the next political elections.

Emanuele Lombardini

“Why not?”, Margrethe Vestager meets Alde Individual Members in Lisbon

In this contribution from Portugal, country coordinator Luiz Menezes describes an important debate on the role of women in politics. The contributions focuses on the opinions of EU Commissioner Margrethe Vestager, who explains why, in the current European scenario, it is most important that ordinary people engage in politics and as individual members of Alde

On the 6th of November I had the privilege to host the European Commissioner for Competition Margrethe Vestager at the Portuguese ALDE IMs’ debate on “Women in Power – the new role of women in politics”.

It was a really inspirational exchange, with simple but deeply felt learnings, and meaningful sharing. Vestager particularly shared the ‘decisional model’ that she uses whenever she is confronted with life challenges: since this constituted a particularly insightful moment of our exchange, I summarise it below.

“SO WHY NOT?” Vestager asked. Often in life we are paralyzed by fear, worries and anxiety. We fear that we are not good enough; that we don’t have anything to offer; or even that no one will listen to us. Sometimes our anxiety anticipates obstacles well down the road: what if I have to speak in public? What if they’ll think I am a bluff?

If one thinks of it, indeed politicians must be either really courageous or really stupid to overcome these feelings. Looking around Europe and across the pond we all know what kind of politicians are abundant.

Remember Plato’s words “One of the consequences of refusing to participate in politics is that you end up  being governed by your inferiors.”

SO…WHY NOT? You are brighter than most of our current politicians, you have something to say, you want to change the world or at least your town

Politics is made by and for people: everyday people. Not only the kind of grey, anonymous bureaucrats.

Politics is made by and for people who care about other people: for people who have reasons to be angry, sad, and also happy and excited. Politicians are people who reach out, who try to build bridges of dialogue, and who try to let emerge and enhance the positive side of each of us. These are the kind of people who will bring emotions, trust and values back to politics; those that armies of bots and fake news cannot bring down.

SO… WHY NOT BECOMING ONE OF THEM? If you think the world is more than 0’s and 1’s, more than black and white, more than us versus them, then you should pose yourself this question.

You don’t have to think about the finish line, nor worrying about the obstacles: they will become part of your path, and you’ll deal with them along the way. Just focus on the now. Dream big, make plans, and act now. Think of the first step: You can do it. Become an activist, join an association or group, put your name out there.

And if we could count on you as ALDE IM, or as member of ALDE through any of the national parties, even better. Just act. I know it’s scary: but everything is. The worst thing that can happen is that you fail: but at least you could say you tried, and next time you’ll do better.

Luis Filipe Menezes


“You can’t say no to Emma”: The radical challenge of making the United States of Europe

 Claudia Basta describes in this article the meeting which took place in Rome, which brought together some pro-European political figures and activists, headed by Guy Verhofstadt, to discuss the prospect of possible United States of Europe

Every country has its own liberal icon: one outstanding political figure that more generations associate with the most epochal liberal accomplishments of the 20th century. What makes the figure of Emma Bonino unparalleled is that those generations are nearly four; that her political influence stretched unchallenged into the current century; and that the unconditioned respect she earned along fifty years of tireless political activity crossed not only the Italian borders, but the European ones.

Born in 1948 in northwestern Italy, Emma is one of the historical leaders of the Italian Radical Party. A thin, discrete, energetic woman who commands European major languages as well as Arabic, at first sight I wouldn’t be able to guess her origins.

Something of her reminds me of the portraits of Dutch writer Etty Hillesum: the inevitable cigarette, the eyes straight into the eyes of the observer, and the attitude of inquiring and challenging her interlocutors at the same time. Her style of argumentation resembles that mix of intellectual rigor, firmness, and yet uncomplicatedness of an experienced scientist; her bearing, that distinct dignity of the Israeli and Palestinian women who walked me through the many gates and walls of their existence with a perpetual smile. In a congress room packed with hundreds of participants, media staff and security, I have never seen her, once, denying a moment of genuine attention to every single person – including myself – who approached her. These traits combined confer to Emma that sort of authoritativeness that one accords to another, somehow, instinctively; without, which is perhaps what impressed me the most, experiencing that distance and subjection so typically emanated by Italian leaders.

Guy Verhofstadt, Emma Bonino

At the beginning of his speech, Guy Verhofstadt summarized all of this very effectively: “You can’t say no to Emma”. Invited to participate in the convention Stati Uniti d’Europa: Una sfida Radicale (United States of Europe: A Radical challenge), held in Rome on October 28th and 29th, Guy showed to having experienced Emma’s invitation as a ‘call to arms’ from the side of the commander-in-chief of a battle that he, too, wishes to win: constructing the European Federation of States that founding fathers like Altiero Spinelli had envisioned at the dawn of the European Union.

Emma’s Radical Party – evolved into the movement of Italian Radicals, which hosted the convention in the framework of the yearly congress led by secretary Riccardo Magi and president Antonella Soldo – endorsed this vision since those early days.

Roberto Saviano

In an Italian political landscape infected by more and more viral anti-Europe narratives – according to which the Italian economic decline is due to the Euro, to ‘Brussels’ bureaucrats’, and to the imposition of so-called austerity – this convention stands out as a stronghold against the populistic drift to which Italian voters, approaching the political elections of 2018, seem so vulnerable to. Once again, Emma and her companions are combating a battle for the common good that few understand, many misrepresent, and many more European Liberals should join.

With the sole exception of writer Roberto Saviano (who stressed his mutual inability of “saying no to Emma” despite the strict security requirements of his movements), the convention opened and closed with the speeches of prominent politicians. Whilst all of them shared the vision of a federation of European States in which regulatory and decisional processes, European citizenship, market and borders, and the latter’s international positioning could be more consistently, cohesively and concretely empowered, each speaker emphasized specific aspects of the relevant challenges. These – from the challenge of implementing one European fiscal policy to the creation of a joint defense system – were discussed in five parallel sessions. Relevant outcomes were reported to the audience on the second day of the congress, before the final speeches and Emma’s conclusions.

Benedetto Della Vedova, Enrico Letta

In the limited space of this article, what I would linger on is the red thread that connected the contributions of Guy Verhofstadt, Benedetto Della Vedova (founder, in 2016, of the liberal movement Forza Europa) and former Italian Prime Minister Enrico Letta: that is, the motivation and pre-condition for the making of the United States of Europe. The former consists of the inevitable transition of the European Union toward a smaller, older, and ‘slower’ geopolitical entity squeezed among the American, African and Asian giants; the latter, consists of fighting the anti-Europe narratives that, by feeding nationalistic and populistic movements from Italy and France up to The Netherlands and Great Britain, contribute to weaken that entity further by persuading European voters to leave the Union with the false expectation of “taking the control back”.

What the convention United States of Europe: A Radical challenge conveyed with force is that changing that narrative and establishing a transnational political culture orientated toward reforming rather than leaving the Union, demands to all European Liberals – regardless of our individual positioning on the liberal spectrum – of becoming ‘masters of the European future’. This requires us to respond to irrational fears and ideological preconceptions with facts and figures; to embody progressive optimism against conservative pessimism; simply, to remember to our fellow citizens what it means being able to move, without crossing neither physical nor psychological barriers, from one country to another, from this to that European University, and from one to a better job; and what this will mean for future European generations. In the end, changing the narrative according to which the European Union is our problem rather than our solution calls us to embody the same forward-looking attitude of Altiero Spinelli, whose famous statement was recalled by Emma Bonino in her conclusive remarks: “a European federation is not something that will occur by destiny. It is something that only the will and effort of the European people will achieve.”

We can’t say no to Emma, remember.

Claudia Basta

What the Maastricht Conference can teach us!

In this contribution, Thalia Ntoka, ALDE Party individual member from Greece and also a member of the Steering Committee refers to the recent conference in Maastricht, organised 25 years after the Treaty which gave birth to the European Union.

While travelling from Athens to northern European countries, usually the first thing comes to mind while packing, is ‘what kind of clothes shall I take with me?’

This time was different! My first priority was to represent the best I could our Individual Members and celebrate the 25th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of the European Union.

Beyond our excellent speakers who really succeeded in motivating the young generation by explaining all those wonders we achieved the last 25 years, the fringe meetings we attended, offered us a great chance to get to know us better and share our thoughts regarding Europe’s future, the Euro and the importance of the Individual Membership.

It proved that the ALDE Party we belong to, rely on us and our work and as our President Hans Van Baalen pointed out, we are the salt and pepper of the party and that means a lot for our future.

Allow me to share with you some thoughts we managed to gather with Daniel Tanahatoe after coordinating our workshop regarding the Individual Members.

It is important to keep in mind that we form a unique mixture from people who live across Europe, with different ideas, experiences, living standards, perceptions of the way we should work but, we definitely have more in common.

We share the same values, we want our big family to stay united, we cannot stand populism, we want more participation and the most important, we are willing to spend time in order to succeed!

Maybe sometimes we take for granted that everyone who joins the ALDE individual members, will have the same questioning but once again, we realised that this is not true. For instance, a new member from Italy shared with us the main reason why she joined. She cannot stand the obstacles those who run her country put in people’s lives on some serious living matters and was wondering whether we could find a solution by getting help from other European countries.

Also someone who is not a member yet, was trying to figure out how he could fit in our group since his real job is not politically oriented and how much time should he spend.

For us diversity means creativity. It means various ideas, arguments, proposals so everyone is more than welcome to join.

We were so happy to hear from you who attended the workshop, about your reflection regarding Europe, your ideas on how to grow our membership and help national liberal parties to become stronger and how we should expand the liberal footprint in Europe.

The feedback we got from you was about having better communication among us, work harder on specific topics offering concrete solutions, become the driven force to our countries, develop national lines and integrate those steps which increase our visibility to our world.

The new Steering Committee will not only have to continue the work we’ve done so far, but simply to do much more.

Our world is continuously evolving. It doesn’t mean always for the best and we should accept it. We cannot deny what is happening around us. Even if we feel that we live in dark periods of our history, that should not stop us from keep working in the right direction. It is in our hands, to transform all those threats to reaction. Reaction for hope and unity. We should be the messengers of European stability.

It is important for our existence to have the biggest participation on the campaigns, events, resolutions, that will follow in the next years.

Our mandate must not just be kind words without action.

We should think of what we wish to change. Is it maybe the way we treat our environment? We support less bureaucracy? Is it the education we get that bothers us? The pensions maybe? Something else? 

Do we feel that there are countries with limited liberal support and we want to strengthen our presence? We want Brexit to be prevented? Then we should campaign!

It is important for us to know what our members ideas are, so do not hesitate to contact us, to participate, to disagree, to argue, to celebrate.

It’s time to implement our strategy plan and we shall succeed, only with your participation!

PS1: The Maastricht Conference would never succeeded without those people who spent time and so much effort to make it happen!

Special thanks to our coordinators and organizers: Bert Zweers, Pascal Jacobs, Michel Schutter, Robert Schliessler and all those who worked tirelessly.

Also to our speakers: Our President, Mr. Hans Van Baalen, Mr. Bovens, Mr. Andrew Duff and all our guests including Daniel Tanahatoe, Individual Members most valuable helpful hand.

PS2: Here you can find my complete closing speech:

Thalia Ntoka